The Poweful Message of Kurt Vonneguts Slaughterhouse Five Essay

The Poweful Message of Kurt Vonnegut's Slaughterhouse Five From Ancient Greek dramatist, Euripides, (To bite the dust is an obligation we should we all release (Fitzhenry 122)) to prestigious Nineteenth Century writer, Emily Dickinson, (Because I was unable to stop for Death/He mercifully halted for me -/The carriage held however just ourselves/And Immortality (Fitzhenry 126)) the idea of death, resurrection, resurrection, and grieving have been agonized after some time and time once more. Also, with no distinct solutions to life's most bewildering question of death being given, it just appears to be characteristic that this subject is additionally investigated. Kurt Vonnegut is one of numerous advanced scholars fixated on this thought and spends a considerable lot of his books specifically captivated by death. His semi-personal novel, managing his encounters in Dresden during WWII, named Slaughterhouse Five, The Children's Crusade or A Duty Dance With Death, is no special case to his obsession. A work of straightforward straightforwardness [and] a cutting edge purposeful anecdote, whose legend, Billy Pilgrim, rearranges among Earth and its immortal substitute, Tralfamadore (Riley and Harte 452), Slaughterhouse Five shows a thoughtful and humane assessment of Billy's reaction to the savagery of life (Bryfonski and Senick 614). This brutality originates from death, time, restoration, war, and the absence of empathy for human life; every huge subject inseparably bound up (Bryfonski and Mendelson 529) in this consistently natured novel that attempts to fathom the extraordinary secret of death for us, for the last time. Billy's life had spun around these thoughts from the time he was a youngster. At twelve years old Billy had experienced the genuine emergencies of his life, had discovered life inane regardless of whether he couldn't then well-spoken that idea, an... ...Vol. 12. Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1980. Bryfonski and Phyllis Carmel Mendelson, eds. Kurt Vonnegut, Jr. Contemporary Literary Criticism. Vol. 8. Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1978. Fitzhenry, Robert I., ed. The Harper Book of Quotations. New York City: Harper Collins Publishers, 1993. Gurton and Jean C. Stine, eds. Kurt Vonnegut, Jr. Contemporary Literary Criticism. Vol. 22. Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1982. Riley and Barbara Harte, eds. Kurt Vonnegut, Jr. Contemporary Literary Criticism. Vol. 2. Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1974. Riley, Carolyn, ed. Kurt Vonnegut, Jr. Contemporary Literary Criticism. Vol. 3. Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1975. Shepard, Sean. Kurt Vonnegut and Slaughterhouse Five. http://erme.bgsu.edu/~jdowell/kvandsh5.html Vonnegut, Kurt. Slaughterhouse Five. New York City: Laurel Books, 1969.

Culture and cultural differences Essay

â€Å"Motivation is a motivator, actuation, or intention, particularly for an act† (Morris 1970) There are numerous ways which impact the inspiration levels of a grown-up individual to do a specific errand. One of the most significant variables is Culture, which is a natural piece of a person. The term culture is best comprehended when diverse individuals join to because of some explanation, to frame a gathering. While communicating with such a gathering for inspiration, the primary thought is to make a feeling of having a place. Individuals, who discover their specialty place in a gathering, are significantly more anxious to perform undertakings as well as could be expected. The second most significant thought for inspiration is to make a domain to accomplish work. The purposes behind working differ for individuals from nation to nation †In China the work inspiration is good commitment, while in Japan it is trust and in Western social orders it is motivating forces. Every one of these components ought to be taken consideration while persuading a culturally diverse gathering for working. One ought to consistently recollect that, at long last every one of these individuals are doing likewise for though for various reasons. What do you accept ought to be your essential concern when attempting to inspire across social limits? Make sure to legitimize your reaction. Individuals from different societies take motivating forces in an alternate manner. Individuals having a place with Asian nations like Japan, lay more weight on the affirmation of the work done, than on any material advantages they may have the option to procure. Interestingly, individuals from huge numbers of the administration based western nations like US consider motivations, something which is to be won. Lastly there are a few people who may be from poor nations like Vietnam, where the advantages mean extra cash, the more they work the more they win. Making every one of these individuals roused with a motivational talk, regardless of how great the advantages may be, is the most significant factor of all. This is on the grounds that, disappointed individuals may effortlessly think on the lines of territorial inclination and attempt to de-rouse others. A reasonable talk which is intended to viably spur the arrangement of individuals, by apparently tending to the individual social orders of the gathering, consequently requires the most extreme ability and cleverness with respect to the persuading individual. References LaMonica L, â€Å"The Relationship Between Culture and Learner Motivation and Implications for Trainingâ€Å", seventeenth July 2001, http://www. geocities. com/llamonica/culture. html

Fun Hobbies

Fun Hobbies What occupies your time? When we have the choice of choosing what to do with our time away from the stresses of everyday commitments, the temptation to sit back, relax, and go on gazing at the TV is difficult to resist. These moments are fleeting and provide us with an unmatched opportunity to explore our interests. When thinking about this, we need to ask ourselves a simple but very powerful question: What can benefit me most? The answer is different for each one of us in each stage of life we find ourselves in. Sometimes drawing can be far better for our mental health than sifting through research opportunities to enhance our resumeâ€" and sometimes the exact opposite is true. It serves us well to remember that every experience in which we apply our intelligence is an opportunity for personal growthâ€"most importantly, the experiences which push us to think in new ways. Progression is not about a checklist made by the collective, but rather how we as individuals come to find better ways to utilize our time. What better way to spend our fleeting minutes than something that genuinely interests us? The Search When thinking about what to do with our time, we often fall into the flow of selecting activities that are known to be safe. An example of this is turning on a show that were binging. We know that it will entertain us for a period of time and allow us to relax, but what if instead we chose to do something new? Think back to the last time you felt that you were doing something beneficial for your own growth while feeling a sense of enjoyment. What were you doing, and how did you feel in that moment? Was it something that you felt at ease doing? Using innate curiosityâ€"our inner sense of wonder about the worldâ€"is what enables us to make great discoveries for ourselves and form new channels of growth. The search for a project becomes ever easier with genuine curiosity at the helm of our mindset. We shouldnt worry over failing because the only true failure is the failure to persevere when faced with challenge. We owe it to ourselvesâ€"if not to the rest of the world unburdened by free timeâ€"to try and improve our abilities, be they physical, mental, spiritual, or a combination of each. Difficulty The question of difficulty is irrelevant when it comes to doing things that will help us grow. This does not mean that we need to go to the extreme with an endeavor and proceed recklessly without regard for the proper steps that need to be taken to best achieve the goal at hand (researching how to sand wood before purchasing whatever materials we see in the store for a desk were designing, for example). The point here is that we need to visualize what it is we seek to improve within ourselves before leaping right into the thick of things. Of course, this does vary depending on what we are looking to improve. When it comes to choosing a skill tree such as physical fitness, it would make the most sense to first consult a licensed professional regarding proper form as well as your physician for any health concerns to watch out for if a diet plan and intense exercise are on your list. On the other hand, if you want to write and reach people through it, then reading and learning from oth er writers is the way to go. Both are avenues worth pursuing, but the strategy by which they are pursued is variant, and this is where the fun comes in. Finding what youre interested in is step one because it will turn into less of a chore and more of a journey you want to go down. The Cost Everything that molds us into better people requires sacrifice. Imagine that you were seeking to purchase self-improvement, and upon looking at the price tag, you were greeted with a word and an underscore next to it. The price of improving ourselves is only as out of reach as we make it out to be; it can be affordable, cheap even, or it can be too much for some of us. The price is simple, but requires effort instead of dollars. The price tag lists the following: Sacrifice + ______. The underscore is the space in which the time we spend dedicating ourselves to our own improvement is to be inscribedâ€"not by a pen, but rather by our efforts. Only by pursuing a genuine interest of ours can we hope to improve ourselves, and only by genuinely becoming interested in ourselves can we begin to work towards that hope. Regards, Maaz Maaz Class of 2022 I am a Pre-Medical student studying Community Health with a concentration in Health Policy Administration interested in improving healthcare delivery systems through both public health and medical practice. My posts are targeted toward helping high school students improve their self-improvement and actualization strategies as they further their own personal and professional development.

Essay on Religion is Unnecessary - 944 Words

Religion is Unnecessary Overall Introduction: What is Religion? According to Atheism.com Religion is the set of beliefs, feelings, dogmas and practices that define the relations between human being and sacred or divinity. Religion supposedly gives a person an identity and relationship. Religion deals with answers to identity-forming questions such as Selfhood - quot;Who am I?quot; quot;Where did I come from?quot; Meaning - quot;Why am I?quot; quot;Where will I go when I die?quot; Purpose - quot;What do I do?quot; quot;What is the purpose of life? No particular religion is ever really ONLY one type of dimension, but is rather a complex whole. The Ritual dimension is what believers DO! Rituals provide believers with a†¦show more content†¦The faith is used as a weapon of immense power, as men, women and children will die with a smile, quot;Knowingquot; they will be saved by their god. If they are not, they will go to Heaven, and the enemy will go to Hell, eventually. In my opinion, religion is as bad as dictatorship. No-one and nothing should have that much power. God is Man-Made: The perception of God has changed over the centuries to accommodate our increasing knowledge. What used to be a good enough explanation 2000 years ago does not measure up anymore. A lot of what was attributed to God is now very easily explained by science. I personally believe that God is a concept used by humans to explain the yet unexplained. Its not a bad thing at all and it benefits billions of human beings around the world who would otherwise be lost without it. Either that or they would start demanding their share of the pie while on earth and that would create some crowd control problems. Mexico is a good example of a country where the poor is pacified by religion. Without it, the country would descend into chaos as they would not accept their current level of poverty. I often watch Christian television and I find interesting how modern preaching is more or less a religious version of political spin. They have an answer for everything but unfortunately, there are often clashes and incompatibilities between the answers. God is powerful but yet, he cannot control theShow MoreRelatedFreedom Of Religion Is Closely Associated With Separation1126 Words   |  5 PagesFreedom of religion is closely associated with separation of church and state, a concept advocated by James Madison and Thomas Jefferson. The United States Constitution addresses the issue of religion in two places: in the First Amendment, and the Article VI prohibition on religious tests as a condition for holding public office. The First Amendment prohibits the Congress from making a law â€Å"respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof † (Christofferson 1). ThisRead MoreHow far do you agree that the main reason that Henry VIII dissolved the mo nasteries in England between 1536 and 1539 was that they were corrupt?960 Words   |  4 Pageswhy Henry VIII wanted to get rid of the monasteries, firstly because he wanted access to the wealth of the monastery and he wanted the treasures of the land owned by the Church. Secondly Henry VIII wanted to close down the monasteries because of religion, some monasteries still believed in Catholic ways and he wanted everything to be Protestant. However some people thought that the monasteries were closed down because they were corrupt. Many people believed that the monasteries were corrupt duringRead MoreReligion1215 Words   |  5 PagesReligion in the World Today As Victor Hugo once said, â€Å"I am religiously opposed to religion† and I agree with him completely. Religion has been a part of our world for centuries but not everyone has to believe in the same thing or even have a religion of any kind, it is all a choice and a right that we are granted. When I was younger my parents decided that I could believe in anything I wanted to when I grew up and that they weren’t going to push a specific religion on me with explicit beliefsRead MoreThe Issue Of The Matter Of War1444 Words   |  6 Pages It is likely that every war has a justification thus, takes place. The causes of war is a foundation to solving many financial and political dilemmas. Religion, Race and Culture Within religion, citizens feel vulnerable due to a variety of different reasons. In early history, it was common to declare war due to the right to practise religion. Many religious beliefs influence the way in which people live their lives and practise this worship. Some religious believers feel accountable to God andRead MoreShould Physician Assisted Suicide Be Allowed?895 Words   |  4 Pageshuman rights, and supports freedom of religion. A vast majority of the opposing force is against legalization of physician assisted suicide for â€Å"moral† or religious reasons. It is also commonly argued that participating in assisted suicide is incompatible with the physician’s duty as a healer, or that it is unnecessary to legalize it because suicide is already a leading cause of death in the United States. John Pearson, in his article â€Å"Assisted Suicide is Unnecessary†, states that â€Å"Assisted suicide invitesRead MoreCotton Mather : Provoker Of Catastrophe1009 Words   |  5 Pagesin the actions of Satan. That man is Cotton Mather. Mather was born into a family of ministers, including Reverend John Cotton. Mather preached his first sermon as a teenager and was ordained in his early twenties. Cotton Mather is known for his unnecessary involvement with the Salem Witch Trials. With the assistance of Cotton Mather’s novel, The Wonders of the Invisible World, the reader assumes Mather’s role in the witch hunt was excessive due to the result of his involvement. In his article, â€Å"AnRead MoreSimilarities Between Confucianism And Taoism902 Words   |  4 PagesThe religions, Confucianism and Taoism, both originate from indigenous Chinese beliefs and practices. Although they come from the same area in the world, they have several differences alongside their similarities. Additionally, they both are influenced by the Tao; however, they have different meanings behind the concept. Taoism can be summed up as appreciating all that is natural; whereas Confucianism is ideal society model created through a lifetime of relationship dedication. Neither of theseRead MoreFaith-Based Funding1677 Words   |  7 Pagesmay not be used as a basis for discrimination. By extending special assistance to faith-based organizations (FBO), the federal government is shirking their constitutional responsibility to not favor a particular religion. Therefore, government funding for FBO is improper, unnecessary, and ultimately divisive. Impropriety In 2001, President George W. Bush signed his first executive order to establish the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives. According to Carlson-ThiesRead MoreThe Significance Of West Virginia1255 Words   |  6 PagesSection I Question 3: The Significance of West Virginia Barrette’s Civil Liberties Jurisprudence in Supreme Court Rulings on Freedom of Religion and Freedom of Speech. Justice Jackson’s Majority opinion in West Virginia v Barnett declared the â€Å"..very purpose of a Bill of Rights was to withdraw certain subjects from the vicissitudes of political controversy, to place them beyond the reach of majorities and officials and to establish them as legal principles to be applied by the courts†(RossumnRead MoreThe Flames By Lawrence And Nancy Goldstone1381 Words   |  6 Pagesto burn at the stake, but they are still around today, Out of the Flames by Lawrence and Nancy Goldstone explains the importance of his ideas and the history around it. Although this book provides a lot of important information, a lot of it is unnecessary. The authors jump around a lot trying to present their argument and their research. This book is a book about a book that discusses the importance of books. Books are threatening because they pass of ideas where everyone believes they have freedom

Mens Rea The Writing Style and Feminism of Lakambini Sitoy

MENS REA: THE WRITING STYLE AND FEMINISM OF LAKAMBINI SITOY A Thesis Design presented to Dr. Lito Diones, Ed. D. Of the Graduate School of Literature, Communication, and Other Languages School of Arts and Sciences Cebu Normal University In Partial Fulfillment of Lit 4007 Masterpieces of Filipino Writers Farina Dianne C. Abella October 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TITLE PAGE i TABLE OF CONTENTS ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT iii ABSTRACT iv Chapter 1 The Problem and Its Scope Rationale of the Study 1 Statement of the Problem 2 Significance of the Study 2 Theoretical Background of the Study 2 Scope and Limitations of†¦show more content†¦RATIONALE In an article entitled, Two Wings of a Bird: The Equality of Women and Men, it is stated that the emancipation of women, the achievement of full equality between the sexes, is essential to human progress and the transformation of society. Inequality retards not only the advancement of women but the progress of civilization itself. Age-old patterns of subordination, reflected in popular culture, literature and art, law, and even religious scriptures, continue to pervade every aspect of women’s lives. Despite the advancement of political and civil rights for women and the widespread acceptance of equality in principle, full equality has not been achieved. The systematic oppression of women is a conspicuous and tragic fact of history. It is no surprise then that feminism is one of the foremost themes in women’s literature (baha’i.org, Bahai Topics). In a Wikipedia entry, it is said that in the Philippines, women writers utilize literature as the living

Ulrich Beck Free Essays

string(39) " matter how diverse and contradictory\." Sociology http://soc. sagepub. com Beck’s Sociology of Risk: A Critical Assessment Anthony Elliott Sociology 2002; 36; 293 DOI: 10. We will write a custom essay sample on Ulrich Beck or any similar topic only for you Order Now 1177/0038038502036002004 The online version of this article can be found at: http://soc. sagepub. com/cgi/content/abstract/36/2/293 Published by: http://www. sagepublications. com On behalf of: British Sociological Association Additional services and information for Sociology can be found at: Email Alerts: http://soc. sagepub. com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://soc. sagepub. com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www. agepub. com/journalsReprints. nav Permissions: http://www. sagepub. com/journalsPermissions. nav Citations (this article cites 6 articles hosted on the SAGE Journals Online and HighWire Press platforms): http://soc. sagepub. com/cgi/content/refs/36/2/293 Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:49 am Page 293 Risk Society Sociology Copyright  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd ® Volume 36(2): 293–315 [0038-0385(200205)36:2;293–315;022761] SAGE Publications London,Thousand Oaks, New Delhi Beck’s Sociology of Risk: A Critical Assessment s Anthony Elliott University of the West of England AB ST RAC T The German sociologist Ulrich Beck has elaborated a highly original formulation of the theory of risk and re? exive modernization, a formulation that has had a signi? cant impact upon recent sociological theorizing and research. This article examines Beck’s sociology of risk in the context of his broader social theory of re? xivity, advanced modernization and individualization. The article argues that Beck’s work is constrained by several sociological weaknesses: namely, a dependence upon objectivistic and instrumental models of the social construction of risk and uncertainty in social relations, and a failure to adequately de? ne the relations between institutional dynamism on the one hand and self-referentiality and critical re? ection on the other. As a contribution to the reformulation and further development of Beck’s approach to sociological theory, the article seeks to uggest other ways in which the link between risk and re? exivity might be pursued. These include a focus upon (1) the intermixing of re? exivity and re? ection in social relations; (2) contemporary ideologies of domination and power; and (3) a dialectical notion of modernity and postmodernization. K E Y WORDS domination / modernity / postmodernity / re? exivity / risk / social theory A s competent re? ective agents, we are aware of the many ways in which a generalized ‘climate of risk’ presses in on our daily activities. In our dayto-day lives, we are sensitive to the cluster of risks that affect our relations with the self, with others, and with the broader culture. We are specialists in carving out ways of coping and managing risk, whether this be through active engagement, resigned acceptance or confused denial. From dietary concerns to 293 Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 294 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:49 am Volume 36 s Page 294 Number 2 s May 2002 prospective stock market gains and losses to polluted air, the contemporary risk climate is one of proliferation, multiplication, specialism, counterfactual guesswork, and, above all, anxiety. Adequate consideration and calculation of risktaking, risk-management and risk-detection can never be fully complete, however, since there are always unforeseen and unintended aspects of risk environments. This is especially true at the level of global hazards, where the array of industrial, technological, chemical and nuclear dangers that confront us grows, and at an alarming rate. Indeed the German sociologist, Ulrich Beck (1996a), de? nes the current situation as that of ‘world risk society’. The rise of risk society, Beck argues, is bound up with the new electronic global economy – a world in which we live on the edge of high technological innovation and scienti? c development, but where no one fully understands the possible global risks and dangers we face. My aim in this article is to explore some of the issues that concern the relation between risk and society by focusing on the work of Beck. A profoundly innovative and imaginative social theorist, Beck has developed powerful analyses of the ways in which the rise of the risk society is transforming social reproduction, nature and ecology, intimate relationships, politics and democracy. 1 It is necessary to state at the outset that I am not seeking in this article to provide a general introduction to Beck’s work as a whole. Rather, I shall offer a short exposition of Beck’s risk society thesis, in conjunction with his analysis of re? exivity and its role in social practices and modern institutions. The econd, more extensive half of the article is then critical and reconstructive in character. I try to identify several questionable social-theoretic assumptions contained in Beck’s risk society thesis, as well as limitations concerning his analysis of re? exivity, social reproduction and the dynamics of modernity. In making this critique, I shall try to point, in a limited and provisional manner, to some of the ways in which I believe that the themes of risk and social re? exivity can be reformulated and, in turn, further developed in contemporary sociological analysis. Outline of the Theory Let me begin by outlining the central planks of Beck’s social theory. These can be divided into three major themes: (1) the risk society thesis; (2) re? exive modernization; and (3) individualization. The Risk Society Thesis From his highly in? uential 1986 volume Risk Society through to Democracy without Enemies (1998) and World Risk Society (1999b), Beck has consistently argued that the notion of risk is becoming increasingly central to our global society. 2 As Beck (1991: 22–3) writes: Downloaded from http://soc. agepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:49 am Page 295 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott [T]he historically unprecedented possibility, brought about by our own decisions, of the destruction of all life on this planet †¦ distinguishes our epoch not only from the early phase of the Indus trial Revolution but also from all other cultures and social forms, no matter how diverse and contradictory. You read "Ulrich Beck" in category "Papers" If a ? re breaks out, the ? re brigade comes; if a traf? c accident occurs, the insurance pays. This interplay between before and after, between security in the here-and-now and security in the future because one took precautions even for the worst imaginable case, has been revoked in the age of nuclear, chemical and genetic technology. In their brilliant perfection, nuclear power plants have suspended the principle of insurance not only in the economic but also in the medical, psychological, cultural, and religious sense. The ‘residual risk society’ is an uninsured society, in which protection, paradoxically, decreases as the threat increases. For Beck, modernity is a world that introduces global risk parameters that previous generations have not had to face. Precisely because of the failure of modern social institutions to control the risks they have created, such as the ecological crisis, risk rebounds as a largely defensive attempt to avoid new problems and dangers. Beck contends that it is necessary to separate the notion of risk from hazard or danger. The hazards of pre-industrial society – famines, plagues, natural disasters – may or may not come close to the destructive potential of technoscience in the contemporary era. Yet for Beck this really is not a key consideration in any event, since he does not wish to suggest that daily life in today’s risk society is intrinsically more hazardous than in the pre-modern world. What he does suggest, however, is that no notion of risk is to be found in traditional culture: pre-industrial hazards or dangers, no matter how potentially catastrophic, were experienced as pre-given. They came from some ‘other’ – gods, nature or demons. With the beginning of societal attempts to control, and particularly with the idea of steering towards a future of predictable security, the consequences of risk become a political issue. This last point is crucial. It is societal intervention – in the form of decision-making – that transforms incalculable hazards into calculable risks. ‘Risks’, writes Beck (1997: 30), ‘always depend on decisions – that is, they presuppose decisions’. The idea of ‘risk society’ is thus bound up with the development of instrumental rational control, which the process of modernization promotes in all spheres of life – from individual risk of accidents and illnesses to export risks and risks of war. In support of the contention that protection from danger decreases as the threat increases in the contemporary era, Beck (1994) discusses, among many other examples, the case of a lead crystal factory in the former Federal Republic of Germany. The factory in question – Altenstadt in the Upper Palatinate – was prosecuted in the 1980s for polluting the atmosphere. Many residents in the area had, for some considerable time, suffered from skin rashes, nausea and headaches, and blame was squarely attributed to the white dust emitted from the factory’s smokestacks. Due to the visibility of the pollution, the case for damages against the factory was imagined, by many people, to be watertight. Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 295 022761 Elliott 296 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:49 am Volume 36 s Page 296 Number 2 s May 2002 However, because there were three other glass factories in the area, the presiding judge offered to drop the charges in return for a nominal ? ne, on the grounds that individual liability for emitting dangerous pollutants and toxins could not be established. ‘Welcome to the real-life travesty of the hazard technocracy! ’ writes Beck, underlining the denial of risks within our cultural and political structures. Such denial for Beck is deeply layered within institutions, and he calls this ‘organized irresponsibility’ – a concept to which we will return. The age of nuclear, chemical and genetic technology, according to Beck, unleashes a destruction of the calculus of risks by which modern societies have developed a consensus on progress. Insurance has been the key to sustaining this consensus, functioning as a kind of security pact against industrially produced dangers and hazards. 3 In particular, two kinds of insurance are associated with modernization: the private insurance company and public insurance, linked above all with the welfare state. Yet the changing nature of risk in an age of globalization, argues Beck, fractures the calculating of risks for purposes of insurance. Individually and collectively, we do not fully know or understand many of the risks that we currently face, let alone can we attempt to calculate them accurately in terms of probability, compensation and accountability. In this connection, Beck emphasizes the following: s s s s risks today threaten irreparable global damage which cannot be limited, and hus the notion of monetary compensation is rendered obsolescent; in the case of the worst possible nuclear or chemical accident, any security monitoring of damages fails; accidents, now reconstituted as ‘events’ without beginning or end, break apart delimitations in space and time; notions of accountability collapse. Re? exive Modernization Beck develops his critique of modernity through an examination of the presuppositions of the sociology of modernization. Many mainstream sociological th eories remain marked, in his view, by a confusion of modernity with industrial society – seen in either positive or negative terms. This is true for functionalists and Marxists alike, especially in terms of their preoccupation with industrial achievement, adaptation, differentiation and rationalization. Indeed, Beck ? nds an ideology of progress concealed within dominant social theories that equate modernization with linear rationalization. From Marx through Parsons to Luhmann, modern society is constantly changing, expanding and transforming itself; it is clear that industrialism results in the using up of resources that are essential to the reproduction of society. But the most striking limitation of social theories that equate modernity with industrial society, according to Beck, lies in their lack of comprehension of the manner in which dangers to societal preservation and renewal in? ltrate the institutions, organizations and subsystems of modern society itself. Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 :49 am Page 297 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott In contrast to this grand consensus on modernization, Beck argues that we are between industrial society and advanced modernity, between simple modernization and re? exive modernization. As Beck (1996b: 28) develops these distinctions: In view of these two stages and their sequence, the concept of ‘re? exive modernization’ may be introduced. This precisely does not mean re? ection (as the adjective ‘re? exive’ seems to suggest), but above all self-confrontation. The transition from the industrial to the risk epoch of modernity occurs unintentionally, unseen, compulsively, in the course of a dynamic of modernization which has made itself autonomous, on the pattern of latent side-effects. One can almost say that the constellations of risk society are created because the self-evident truths of industrial society (the consensus on progress, the abstraction from ecological consequences and hazards) dominate the thinking and behaviour of human beings and institutions. Risk society is not an option which could be chosen or rejected in the course of political debate. It arises through the automatic operation of autonomous modernization processes which are blind and deaf to consequences and dangers. In total, and latently, these produce hazards which call into question – indeed abolish – the basis of industrial society. It is the autonomous, compulsive dynamic of advanced or re? exive modernization that, according to Beck, propels modern men and women into ‘self-confrontation’ with the consequences of risk that cannot adequately be addressed, measured, controlled or overcome, at least according to the standards of industrial society. Modernity’s blindness to the risks and dangers produced by modernization – all of which happens automatically and unre? ectingly, according to Beck – leads to societal self-confrontation: that is, the questioning of divisions between centres of political activity and the decision-making capacity of society itself. Society, in effect, seeks to reclaim ‘the political’ from its modernist relegation to the institutional sphere, and this, says Beck, is achieved primarily through sub-political means – that is, locating the politics of risk at the heart of forms of social and cultural life. Within the horizon of the opposition between old routine and new awareness of consequences and dangers’, writes Beck, ‘society becomes self-critical’ (1999b: 81). The prospects for arresting the dark sides of industrial progress and advanced modernization through re? exivity are routinely short-circuited, according to Beck, by the insidious in? uence of ‘organized irresponsibility’. Irresponsibility, as Beck uses the term, refers to a political contradiction of the self-jeopardization and self-endangerment of risk society. This is a contradiction between an emerging public awareness of risks produced by and within the social-institutional system on the one hand, and the lack of attribution of systemic risks to this system on the other. There is, in Beck’s reckoning, a constant denial of the suicidal tendency of risk society – ‘the system of organized irresponsibility’ – which manifests itself in, say, technically orientated legal procedures designed to satisfy rigorous causal proof of individual liability and guilt. This self-created dead end, in which culpability is passed off on to individuals Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 297 022761 Elliott 298 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:49 am Volume 36 s Page 298 Number 2 s May 2002 and thus collectively denied, is maintained through political ideologies of industrial fatalism: faith in progress, dependence on rationality and the rule of expert opinion. Individualization The arrival of advanced modernization is not wholly about risk; it is also about an expansion of choice. For if risks are an attempt to make the incalculable calculable, then risk-monitoring presupposes agency, choice, calculation and responsibility. In the process of re? exive modernization, Beck argues, more and more areas of life are released or disembedded from the hold of tradition. That is to say, people living in the modernized societies of today develop an increasing engagement with both the intimate and more public aspects of their lives, aspects that were previously governed by tradition or taken-forgranted norms. This set of developments is what Beck calls ‘individualization’, and its operation is governed by a dialectic of disintegration and reinvention. For example, the disappearance of tradition and the disintegration of previously existing social forms – ? xed gender roles, in? exible class locations, masculinist work models – forces people into making decisions about their own lives and future courses of action. As traditional ways of doing things become problematic, people must choose paths for a more rewarding life – all of which requires planning and rationalization, deliberation and engagement. An active engagement with the self, with the body, with relationships and marriage, with gender norms, and with work: this is the subjective backdrop of the risk society. The idea of individualization is the basis upon which Beck constructs his vision of a ‘new modernity’, of novel personal experimentation and cultural innovation against a social backdrop of risks, dangers, hazards, re? xivity, globalization. Yet the unleashing of experimentation and choice which individualization brings is certainly not without its problems. According to Beck, there are progressive and regressive elements to individualization; although, in analytical terms, these are extremely hard to disentangle. In personal terms, the gains of today’s individualization might be tomorrow’s limit ation, as advantage and progress turn into their opposite. A signal example of this is offered in The Normal Chaos of Love (1995), where Beck and Beck-Gernsheim re? ct on the role of technological innovation in medicine, and of how this impacts upon contemporary family life. Technological advancements in diagnostic and genetic testing on the unborn, they argue, create new parental possibilities, primarily in the realm of health monitoring. However, the very capacity for medical intervention is one that quickly turns into an obligation on parents to use such technologies in order to secure a sound genetic starting point for their offspring. Individualization is seen here as a paradoxical compulsion, at once leading people into a much more engaged relationship with science and technology than used to be the case, and enforcing a set of obligations and responsibilities that few in society have thought through in terms of broad Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:49 am Page 299 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott moral and ethical implications. It is perhaps little wonder therefore that Beck (1997: 96), echoing Sartre, contends that ‘people are condemned to individualization’. Critique Beck has elaborated a highly original formulation of the theory of risk, a formulation which links with, but in many ways is more sophisticated in its detail and application than, other sociological approaches to the analysis of risk environments in contemporary society (among other contributions, see Douglas and Wildavsky (1982), Castell (1991), Giddens (1990, 1991), Luhmann (1993) and Adam (1998)). Beck’s sociology of risk has clearly been of increasing interest to sociologists concerned with understanding the complex temporal and spatial ? gurations of invisible hazards and dangers including global warming, chemical and petrochemical pollution, the effects of genetically modi? ed organisms and culturally induced diseases such as Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) (see Lash et al. , 1996; Adam, 1998). In what follows, there are three core areas around which I shall develop a critique of the work of Beck: (1) risk, re? xivity, re? ection; (2) power and domination; and (3) tradition, modernity and postmodernization. Risk, Re? exivity, Re? ection Let me begin with Beck’s discussion of the ‘risk society’, which, according to him, currently dominates socio-political frames thanks to the twin forces of re? exivity and globalization. There are, I believe, many respects in which Beck’s vision of Risikogesellschaft, especially its rebounding in pers onal experience as risk-laden discourses and practices, is to be welcomed. In the wake of the Chernobyl disaster and widespread environmental pollution, and with ever more destructive weapons as well as human-made biological, chemical and technological hazards, it is surely the case that thinking in terms of risk has become central to the way in which human agents and modern institutions organize the social world. Indeed, in a world that could literally destroy itself, risk-managing and risk-monitoring increasingly in? uences both the constitution and calculation of social action. As mentioned previously, it is this focus on the concrete, objective physical-biological-technical risk settings of modernity which recommends Beck’s analysis as a useful corrective to the often obsessive abstraction and textual deconstruction that characterizes much recent social theory. However, one still might wonder whether Beck’s theory does not overemphasize, in a certain sense, the phenomena and relevance of risk. From a social-historical perspective it is plausible to ask, for instance, whether life in society has become more risky? In ‘From Regulation to Risk’, Bryan S. Turner (1994: 180–1) captures the problem well: Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 299 022761 Elliott 300 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:49 am Volume 36 s Page 300 Number 2 s May 2002 [A] serious criticism of Beck’s arguments would be to suggest that risk has not changed so profoundly and signi? cantly over the last three centuries. For example, were the epidemics of syphilis and bubonic plague in earlier periods any different from the modern environment illnesses to which Beck draws our attention? That is, do Beck’s criteria of risk, such as their impersonal and unobservable nature, really stand up to historical scrutiny? The devastating plagues of earlier centuries were certainly global, democratic and general. Peasants and aristocrats died equally horrible deaths. In addition, with the spread of capitalist colonialism, it is clearly the case that in previous centuries many aboriginal peoples such as those of North America and Australia were engulfed by environmental, medical and political catastrophes which wiped out entire populations. If we take a broader view of the notion of risk as entailing at least a strong cultural element whereby risk is seen to be a necessary part of the human condition, then we could argue that the profound uncertainties about life, which occasionally overwhelmed earlier civilizations, were not unlike the anxieties of our own ? n-de-siecle civilizations. Extending Turner’s critique, it might also be asked whether risk assessment is the ultimate worry in the plight of individuals in contemporary culture? Is it right to see the means-ended rationality of risk, and thus the economistic language of preference, assessment and choice, as spreading into personal and intimate spheres of life (such as marriage, friendship and child-rearing) in such a determinate and uni? ed way? And does the concept of risk actually capture what is new and different in the contemporary social condition? I shall not pursue these general questions, important though they are, here. Instead, the issue I want to raise concerns the multiple ways in which risk is perceived, approached, engaged with or disengaged from, in contemporary culture. Beck’s approach, however suggestive it may be, is at best a signpost which points to speci? c kinds of probabilities, avoidances and unanticipated consequences, but which is limited in its grasp of the social structuring of the perception of risk. The American social theorist Jeffrey C. Alexander (1996: 135) has argued that Beck’s ‘unproblematic understanding of the perception of risk is utilitarian and objectivist’. Alexander takes Beck to task for adopting a rationalistic and instrumental-calculative model of risk in microsocial and macrosocial worlds; to which it can be added that such a model has deep af? ities with neo-classical economics and rational-choice theory, and thus necessarily shares the conceptual and political limitations of these standpoints also. Beck has also been criticized by others for his cognitive realism, moral proceduralism and lack of attention to aesthetic and hermeneutical subjectivity (Lash and Urry, 1994); failure to acknowle dge the embodied nature of the self (Turner, 1994; Petersen, 1996); and neglect of the psychodynamic and affective dimensions of subjectivity and intersubjective relations (Elliott, 1996; Hollway and Jefferson, 1997). In a social-theoretical frame of reference, what these criticisms imply is that Beck’s theory cannot grasp the hermeneutical, aesthetic, psychological and culturally bounded forms of subjectivity and intersubjectivity in and through Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 301 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott which risk is constructed and perceived. To study risk-management and riskavoidance strategies, in the light of these criticisms, requires attention to forms of meaning-making within socio-symbolically inscribed institutional ? elds, a problem to which I return in a subsequent section when looking at Beck’s analysis of tradition, modernity and postmodernity. In raising the issue of the construction and reconstruction of risk – in particular, its active interpretation and reconstruction – one might reference numerous studies of socio-political attitudes relating to the conceptualization and confrontation of risk, danger and hazard. The anthropologist Mary Douglas (1986, 1992), for example, argues that advanced industrial risks are primarily constructed through the rhetoric of purity and pollution. For Douglas, what is most pressing in the social-theoretic analysis of risk is an understanding of how human agents ignore many of the potential threats of daily life and instead concentrate only on selected aspects. Interestingly, Beck fails to discuss in any detail Douglas’s anthropology of risk. This would seem peculiar not only since Douglas’s path-breaking analyses of risk appear to have laid much of the thematic groundwork for Beck’s sociological theory, but also because her work is highly relevant to the critique of contemporary ideologies of risk – that is, the social forms in which risk and uncertainty are differentiated across and within social formations, as well as peculiarly individuated. My purpose in underscoring these various limitations of Beck’s theory is not to eng age in some exercise of conceptual clari? cation. My concern rather is to stress the sociologically questionable assumptions concerning risk in Beck’s work, and to tease out the more complex, nuanced forms of risk perception that might fall within the scope of such an approach. To call into question Beck’s notion of risk is, of course, also to raise important issues about the location of re? exivity between self and societal reproduction. Now it is the failure of simple, industrial society to control the risks it has created, which, for Beck, generates a more intensive and extensive sense of risk in re? xive, advanced modernity. In this sense, the rise of objective, physical, global risks propels social re? exivity. But again one might wish to question the generalizations Beck makes about human agents, modern institutions and culture becoming more re? exive or self-confronting. Much of Beck’s work has been concerned to emphasize the degree of re? exive institutional dynamism involved in the restructuring of pers onal, social and political life, from the reforging of intimate relationships to the reinvention of politics. But there are disturbing dimensions here as well, which the spread of cultural, ethnic, racial and gendered con? ict has shown only too well, and often in ways in which one would be hard pressed to ? nd forms of personal or social re? exive activity. No doubt Beck would deny – as he has done in his more recent writings – that the renewal of traditions and the rise of cultural con? icts are counterexamples to the thesis of re? exive modernization. For we need to be particularly careful, Beck contends, not to confuse re? exivity (self-dissolution) with re? ction (knowledge). As Beck (1994b: 176–7) develops this distinction: Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 301 022761 Elliott 302 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 302 Number 2 s May 2002 †¦ the ‘re? exivity’ of modernity and modernization in my sense does not mean re? ection on modernity, self-relatedness, the self-referentiality of modernity, nor does it mean the self-justi? ation or self-criticism of modernity in the sense of classical sociology; rather (? rst of all), modernization undercuts modernization, unintended and unseen, and therefore also re? ection-free, with the force of autonomized modernization. †¦ [R]e? exivity of modernity can lead to re? ection on the self-dissolution and self-endangerment of industrial society, but it need not do so. Thus, re? exivity does not imply a kind of hyper-Enlightenment culture, where agents and institutions re? ect on modernity, but rather an unintended self-modi? ation of forms of life driven by the impact of autonomized processes of modernization. Re? exivity, on this account, is de? ned as much by ‘re? ex’ as it is by ‘re? ection’. ‘It is possible to detect’, write Lash et al. (1996) of Beck’s recent sociology, Ã¢â‚¬Ë œa move towards seeing re? exive modernization as in most part propelled by blind social processes – a shift, crudely, from where risk society produces re? ection which in turn produces re? exivity and critique, to one where risk society automatically produces re? exivity, and then – perhaps – re? ection’. Without wishing to deny the interest of this radical conception of re? exivity as self-dissolution, it still seems to me that Beck’s contention that contemporary societies are propelled toward self-confrontation, split between re? ex and re? ection, remains dubious. In what sense, for instance, can one claim that re? ection-free forms of societal self-dissolution exist independently of the re? ective capacities of human agents? For what, exactly, is being dissolved, if not the forms of life and social practices through which institutions are structured? How might the analytical terms of re? exivity, that is social re? exes (nonknowledge) and re? ection (knowledge), be reconciled? It may be thought that these dif? culties can be overcome by insisting, along with Beck, on re? exivity in the strong sense – as the unseen, the unwilled, the unintended; in short, institutional dynamism. But such an account of blind social processes is surely incompatible with, and in fact renders incoherent, concepts of re? ection, referentiality, re? exivity. Alternatively, a weaker version of the argument might be developed, one that sees only partial and contextual interactions of selfdissolution and re? ection. Yet such an account, again, would seem to cut the analytical ground from under itself, since there is no adequate basis for showing how practices of re? exivity vary in their complex articulations of re? ex and re? ection or repetition and creativity. Power and Domination I now want to consider Beck’s theory in relation to sociological understandings of power and domination. According to Beck, re? xive modernization combats many of the distinctive characteristics of power, turning set social divisions into active negotiated relationships. Traditional political con? icts, centred around class, race and gender, are increasingly superseded by new, globalized risk con? icts. ‘Risks’, writes Beck (1992: 35), ‘display an equalizing effect’. Everyone Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Men on on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 303 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott ow is threatened by risk of global proportions and repercussions; not even the rich and powerful can escape the new dangers and hazards of, say, global warming or nuclear war. And it is from this universalized perspective that Beck argues political power and domination is shedding the skin of its classical forms and reinventing itself in a new global idiom. The problematic nature of Beck’s writings on this reinvention of political power and its role in social life, however, becomes increasingly evident when considering his analysis of social inequalities and cultural divisions. Take, for example, his re? ections on class. Re? exive modernization, says Beck, does not result in the self-destruction of class antagonisms, but rather in selfmodi? cation. He writes (1997: 26): Re? exive modernization disembeds and re-embeds the cultural prerequisites of social classes with forms of individualization of social inequality. That means †¦ that the disappearance of social classes and the abolition of social inequality no longer coincide. Instead, the blurring of social classes (in perception) runs in tandem with an exacerbation of social inequality, which now does not follow large identi? ble groups in the lifeworld, but is instead fragmented across (life) phases, space and time. The present-day individualizing forces of social inequality, according to Beck, erode class-consciousness (personal dif? culties and grievances no longer culminate into group or collective causes) and also, to some considerable degree, class-in-itself (contemporary social problems are in creasingly suffered alone). In short, class as a community of fate or destiny declines steeply. With class solidarities replaced by brittle and uncertain forms of individual self-management, Beck ? ds evidence for a ‘rule-altering rationalization’ of class relationships in new business and management practices, as well as industrial relations reforms. He contends that new blendings of economics and democracy are discernible in the rise of political civil rights within the workplace, a blend which opens the possibility of a post-capitalistic world – a ‘classless capitalism of capital’, in which ‘the antagonism between labour and capital will collapse’. There is considerable plausibility in the suggestion that class patterns and divisions have been altered by rapid social and political changes in recent years. These include changes in employment and the occupational structure, the expansion of the service industries, rising unemployment, lower retirement ages, as well as a growing individualization in the West together with an accompanying stress upon lifestyle, consumption and choice. However, while it might be the case that developments associated with re? exive modernization and the risk society are affecting social inequalities, it is surely implausible to suggest, as Beck does, that this involves the trans? guration of class as such. Why, as Scott Lash (Beck et al. , 1994: 211) asks, do we ? nd re? xivity in some sectors of socio-economic life and not others? Against the backdrop of new communication technologies and advances in knowledge transfer, vast gaps in the sociocultural conditions of the wealthy and the poor drastically affect the ways in which individuals are drawn into the project of re? exive modernization. These Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on S eptember 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 303 022761 Elliott 304 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 304 Number 2 s May 2002 ensions are especially evident today in new social divisions between the ‘information rich’ and ‘information poor’, and of the forces and demands of such symbolic participation within the public sphere. What Beck fails to adequately consider is that individualization (while undoubtedly facilitating unprecedented forms of personal and social experimentation) may directly contribute to, and advance the proliferation of, class inequalities and economic exclusions. That is to say, Beck fails to give suf? cient sociological weight to the possibility that individualization may actually embody systematically asymmetrical relations of class power. Taken from a broader view of the ideals of equal opportunity and social progress, Beck’s arguments about the relationship between advanced levels of re? exivity and the emergence of a new sub-politics do not adequately stand up to scrutiny. The general, tendential assertions he advances about business and organizational restructuring assume what needs to be demonstrated – namely, that these new organizational forms spell the demise of social class, as well as the viability of class analysis. Moreover, it seems implausible to point to ‘subpolitics’, de? ned by Beck only in very general terms, as symptomatic of a new socio-political agenda. When, for example, have the shifting boundaries between the political and economic spheres not played a primary role in the unfolding of relations between labour and capital? Is decision-making and consciousness really focused on a post-capitalistic rationalization of rights, duties, interests and decisions? A good deal of recent research shows, on the contrary, that income inequality between and within nations continues to escalate (Braun, 1991; Lemert, 1997); that class (together with structures of power and domination) continues to profoundly shape possible life chances and material nterests (Westergaard, 1995); and that the many different de? nitions of class as a concept, encompassing the marginal, the excluded as well as the new underclass or new poor, are important in social analysis for comprehending the persistence of patterns of social inequality (Crompton, 1996). These dif? culties would suggest that Beck’s theory of risk requires reformulation in various ways. Without wishing to deny that the risk-generating propensity of the social system has rapidly increased in recent years due to the impact of globalization and techno-science, it seems to me misleading to contend that social division in multinational capitalist societies is fully trans? gured into a new logic of risk, as if the latter disconnects the former from its institutionalized biases and processes. The more urgent theoretical task, I suggest, is to develop methods of analysis for explicating how patterns of power and domination feed into, and are reconstituted by, the socio-symbolic structuring of risk. Here I shall restrict myself to noting three interrelated forces, which indicate, in a general way, the contours of how a politics of risk is undergoing transformation. The ? rst development is that of the privatization of risk. Underpinned by new trans-national spatializations of economic relations as well as the deregulation of the government of political life (Giddens, 1990; Hirst and Thompson, 1996; Bauman, 1998), the individual is increasingly viewed today as an active Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. om by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 305 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott agent in the risk-monitoring of collectively produced dangers; risk-information, risk-detection and risk-management is more and more constructed and designed as a matter of private responsibility and personal security. By and large, human agents confron t socially produced risks individually. Risk is desocialized; risk-exposure and risk-avoidance is a matter of individual responsibility and navigation. This is, of course, partly what Beck means by the individualization of risk. However, the relations between individualized or privatized risk, material inequalities and the development of global poverty are more systematic and complex than Beck’s theory seems to recognize. In the post-war period, the shift from Keynesian to monetarist economic policies has been a key factor in the erosion of the management of risk through welfare security. The impact of globalization, transnational corporations and governmental deregulation is vital to the social production of the privatization of risk, all of which undoubtedly has a polarizing effect on distributions of wealth and income. It has also become evident – and this is crucial – that one must be able to deploy certain educational resources, symbolic goods, cultural and media capabilities, as well as cognitive and affective aptitudes, in order to count as a ‘player’ in the privatization of risk-detection and risk-management. People who cannot deploy such resources and capabilities, often the result of various material and class inequalities, are likely to ? nd themselves further disadvantaged and marginalized in a new world order of re? exive modernization. The second, related development concerns the commodi? cation of risk. Millions of dollars are made through product development, advertising, and market research in the new industries of risk, which construct new problems and market new solutions for risk-? ghting individual agents. As risk is simultaneously proliferated and rendered potentially manageable’, writes Nikolas Rose (1996: 342), ‘the private market for â€Å"security† extends: not merely personal pension schemes and private health insurance, but burglar alarms, devices that monitor sleeping children, home testing kits for cholesterol levels and much more. Protection against risk through an investment in security becomes part of the responsibilities of each active individ ual, if they are not to feel guilt at failing to protect themselves and their loved ones against future misfortunes’. In other words, the typical means for insuring against risk today is through market-promoted processes. However the fundamental point here, and this is something that Beck fails to develop in a systematic manner, is that such ‘insurance’ is of a radically imaginary kind (with all the misrecognition and illusion that the Lacanian-Althusserian theorization of the duplicate mirror-structure of ideology implies), given that one cannot really buy one’s way out of the collective dangers that confront us as individuals and societies. How does one, for example, buy a way out from the dangers of global warming? The commodi? cation of risk has become a kind of safe house for myths, fantasies, ? ction and lies. The third development concerns the instrumentalization of identities in terms of lifestyle, consumption and choice. Beck touches on this issue through the individualization strand of his argument. Yet because he sees individualiza- Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 305 022761 Elliott 306 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 306 Number 2 s May 2002 ion as an active process transforming risk society, he pays almost no attention to the kinds of affective ‘investments’, often destructive and pathological, unleashed by an instrumentalization of identities and social relations. Of core importance here is the ‘culture of narcissism’ (Lasch, 1980) which pervades contemporary Western life, and plays a powerful ro le in the instrumental affective investments in individuals which a risk society unleashes. Joel Kovel (1988) writes of ‘the de-sociation of the narcissistic character’, a character lacking in depth of emotional attachment to others and communities. Unable to sustain a sense of personal purpose or social project, the narcissistic character, writes Kovel, rarely moves beyond instrumentality in dealing with other people. Such instrumental emotional investments may well be increasingly central to the management of many risk codes in contemporary culture. Consider the ways in which some parents fashion a narcissistic relation with their own children as a kind of imaginary risk-insurance (involving anxieties and insecurities over old age, mortality and the like), rather than relating to their offspring as independent individuals in their own right. Also in risks relating to the home, personal comfort as well as safety, hygiene, health and domesticity, the veneer-like quality of pathological narcissism can be found. Some analytical caution is, of course, necessary here, primarily because the work on narcissistic culture of Lasch and Sennett, among others, has been criticized in terms of over-generalization (Giddens, 1991: 174–80). Accordingly, it may be more plausible to suggest that narcissistic forms of identity are a tendency within contemporary cultural relations of risk management, and not a wholesale social trend. Beck’s writings, I am suggesting, are less than satisfying on issues of power and domination because he fails to analyse in suf? cient depth the psychological, sociological and political forces by means of which the self-risk dialectic takes its varying forms. To develop a more nuanced interpretative and critical approach, I have suggested, the sociological task is to analyse privatization, commodi? cation and instrumentalization as channels of risk management. Tradition, Modernity, Postmodernity The limitations in the concept of re? xivity I have highlighted are, in turn, connected to further ambiguities concerning the nature of social reproduction in contemporary culture. The production and reproduction of contemporary social life is viewed by Beck as a process of ‘detraditionalization’. The development of re? exive modernization, says Beck, is accompanied by an irreversible decline in the role of tradition; the re? exivity of modernity and modernization means t hat traditional forms of life are increasingly exposed to public scrutiny and debate. That the dynamics of social re? xivity undercut pre-existing traditions is emphasized by Beck via a range of social-theoretical terms. He speaks of ‘the age of side-effects’, of individualization, and of a sub-politics beyond left and right – a world in which people can and must come to terms with the opportunities and dangers of new technologies, markets, experts, systems and Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 307 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott nvironments. Beck thus argues that the contemporary age is one characterized by increased levels of referentiality, ambivalence, ? exibility, openness and social alternatives. It might be noted that certain parallels can be identi? ed between t he thesis of detraditionalization and arguments advanced in classical social theory. Many classical social theorists believed that the development of the modern era spelled the end of tradition. ‘All that is solid melts into air’, said Marx of the power of the capitalist mode of production to tear apart traditional forms of social life. That the dynamics of capitalism undercut its own foundations meant for Marx a society that was continually transforming and constantly revolutionizing itself. Somewhat similar arguments about the decline of tradition can be found in the writings of Max Weber. The development of industrial society for Weber was inextricably intertwined with the rise of the bureaucratic state. Weber saw in this bureaucratic rationalization of action, and associated demand for technical ef? ciency, a new social logic destructive of the traditional texture of society. The views of Marx and Weber, among others, thus advanced a general binary opposition of ‘the traditional’ and ‘the modern’. For proponents of the thesis of detraditionalization, such as Beck, the self-referentiality and social re? exivity of advanced modernity also necessarily implies that traditional beliefs and practices begin to break down. However, the thesis of detraditionalization is not premised upon the broad contrast between ‘the traditional’ and ‘the modern’ that we can discern in much classical social theory. On the contrary, Beck ? nds the relation between tradition and modernity at once complex and puzzling. If tradition remains an important aspect of advanced modernity, it is because tradition becomes re? exive; traditions are invented, reinvented and restructured in conditions of the late modern age. So far I think that there is much that is interesting and important in this general orientation of Beck to understanding the construction of the present, past and future. In particular, I think the stress placed upon the re? exive construction of tradition, and indeed all social reproduction, is especially signi? cant – even though I shall go on to argue that this general theoretical framework requires more speci? ation and elaboration. I want, however, to focus on a speci? c issue raised by Beck’s social theory, and ask, has the development of society toward advanced modernization been accompanied by a decline in the in? uence of tradition and traditional understandings of the past? Must we assume, as Beck seems to, that the social construction of tradition is always permeat ed by a pervasive re? exivity? At issue here, I suggest, is the question of how the concept of re? exivity should be related to traditional, modern and postmodern cultural forms. I shall further suggest that the concept of re? xivity, as elaborated by Beck, fails to comprehend the different modernist and postmodernist ? gurations that may be implicit within social practices and symbolic forms of the contemporary age. In order to develop this line of argumentation, let us consider in some more detail the multiplicity of world traditions, communities and cultures as they impact upon current social practices and life-strategies. I believe that Beck is Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 07 022761 Elliott 308 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 308 Number 2 s May 2002 right to emphasize the degree to which modernity and advanced mo dernization processes have assaulted traditions, uprooted local communities and broken apart unique regional, ethnic and sub-national cultures. At the level of economic analysis, an argument can plausibly be sustained that the erratic nature of the world capitalist economy produces high levels of unpredictability and uncertainty in social life and cultural relations, all of which Beck analyses in terms of danger, risk and hazard. It is worth noting, however, that Beck’s emphasis on increasing levels of risk, ambivalence and uncertainty is at odds with much recent research in sociology and social theory that emphasizes the regularization and standardization of daily life in the advanced societies. George Ritzer’s The McDonaldization of Society (1993) is a signal example. Drawing Weber’s theory of social rationalization and the Frankfurt School’s account of the administered society into a re? ctive encounter, Ritzer examines the application of managerial techniques such as Fordism and Taylorism to the fast food industry as symptomatic of the in? ltration of instrumental rationality into all aspects of cultural life. McDonaldization, as Ritzer develops the term, is the emergence of social logics in which risk and unpredictability are written out of social space. The point about such a conception of the standardization of everyday life, whatever its conceptual and sociological shortcom ings, is that it clearly contradicts Beck’s stress on increasing risk and uncertainty, the concept of re? xive individualization, and the notion that detraditionalization produces more ambivalence, more anxiety, and more openness. Of course, Beck insists that re? exive modernization does not mark a complete break from tradition; rather re? exivity signals the revising, or reinvention, of tradition. However, the resurgence and persistence of ethnicity and nationality as a primary basis for the elaboration of traditional beliefs and practices throughout the world is surely problematic for those who, like Beck, advance the general thesis of social re? exivity. Certainly, the thesis would appear challenged by widespread and recently revitalized patterns of racism, sexism and nationalism which have taken hold in many parts of the world, and indeed many serious controversies over race, ethnicity and nationalism involve a reversion to what might be called traditionalist battles over traditional culture – witness the rise of various religious fundamentalisms in the United States, the Middle East and parts of Africa and Asia. These political and theoretical ambivalences have their roots in a number of analytical dif? ulties, speci? cally Beck’s diagnosis of simple and advanced modernity. Beck furnishes only the barest social-historical sketch of simple modernity as a distinctive period in the spheres of science, industry, morality and law. He underscores the continuing importance and impact of simple industrial society for a range of advanced, re? exive determinations (for example politically, economically, technologically and envi ronmentally), yet the precise relations of such overlapping are not established or demonstrated in any detail. Exactly how we have moved into the age of re? exive modernization, although often stated and repeated, is not altogether clear. Beck’s main line of explanation seems to focus on the side-effects of modernization as undercutting the Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 309 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott foundations of modernity. But, again, the dynamics of simple and re? xive modernization, together with their social-historical periodization, remain opaque. In addition, it is not always clear how Beck is intending to draw certain conceptual distinctions between ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ instantiations of respectively simple and advanced modernist socio-symbolic figurations. Rejecting outright any crude opposition between traditional and modern societies, Beck r elates a tale of the proliferation of re? exive biographies and practices, lives and institutions, in which creative possibilities develop and new forms of risk and hazard take shape. Yet social advancement is far from inevitable: Beck speaks of counter-modernities. The question that needs to be asked here, however, is whether it is analytically useful for social theory to construct the contemporary age as characterized by interacting tropes of industrial society and re? exive modernization on the one side, and a range of countermodernities on the other. Viewed from the frame of postmodern social theory, and in particular the sociology of postmodernity (see Bauman, 1992a), Beck’s argument concerning the circularity of the relationship between risk, re? xivity and social knowledge appears in a more problematic, and perhaps ultimately inadequate, light. For postmodern social theorists and cultural analysts diagnose the malaise of present-day society not only as the result of re? exively applied knowledge to complex techno-scienti? c social environments, but as infused by a more general and pervasive sense of cultural disorientation. The most prominent anxieti es that underpin postmodern dynamics of social regulation and systemic reproduction include a general loss of belief in the engine of progress, as well as feelings of out-of-placeness and loss of direction. Such anxieties or dispositions are accorded central signi? cance in the writings of a number of French theorists – notably, Foucault, Derrida, Lyotard, Baudrillard, and Deleuze and Guattari – and also in the work of sociologists and social scientists interested in the rami? cations of post-structuralism, semiotics and deconstruction for the analysis of contemporary society (Lash and Urry, 1987; Harvey, 1989; Poster, 1990; Best and Kellner, 1991; Smart, 1992, 1993; Bauman, 1992a, 2000; Elliott, 1996). Postmodern anxieties or dispositions are, broadly speaking, cast as part of a broader cultural reaction to universal modernism’s construction of the social world, which privileges rationalism, positivism and techno-scienti? c planning. Premised upon a vigorous philosophical denunciation of humanism, abstract reason, and the Enlightenment legacy, postmodern theory rejects the metanarratives of modernity (that is, totalistic theoretical constructions, allegedly of universal application) and instead embraces fragmentation, discontinuity and ambiguity as symptomatic of current cultural conditions. To express the implications of these theoretical departures more directly in terms of the current discussion, if the social world in which we live in the 21st century is signi? cantly different from that of the simple modernization, this is so because of both socio-political and epistemological developments. It is not only re? ection on the globalization of risk that has eroded faith in humanly engineered progress. Postmodern contributions stress that the plurality of Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. om by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 309 022761 Elliott 310 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 310 Number 2 s May 2002 heterogeneous claims to knowledge carries radical consequences for the unity and coherence of social systems. Bluntly stated, a number of core issues are identi? ed by postmodern analysts in this connection: s s s The crisis of representation, insta bilities of meaning, and fracturing of knowledge claims; The failure of the modernist project to ground epistemology in secure foundations; The wholesale transmutation in modes of representation within social life itself. Postmodernization in this context spells the problematization of the relationship between signi? er and referent, representation and reality, a relationship made all the more complex by the computerization of information and knowledge (Poster, 1990). What I am describing as a broadly postmodern sociological viewpoint highlights the de? iency of placing ‘risk’ (or any other sociological variable) as the central paradox of modernity. For at a minimum, a far wider range of sources would appear to condition our current cultural malaise. What is signi? cant about these theoretical sightings, or glimpses, of the contours of postmodernity as a social system are that they lend themselves to global horizons and de? nitions more adequately than the so-called universalism of Beck’s sociology of risk. Against a theoretical backdrop of the break with foundationalism, the dispersion of language games, coupled with the recognition that history has no overall teleology, it is surely implausible to stretch the notion of risk as a basis for interpretation of phenomena from, say, an increase in worldwide divorce rates through to the collapse of insurance as a principle for the regulation of collective life. Certainly, there may exist some family resemblance in trends surrounding new personal, social and political agendas. Yet the seeds of personal transformation and social dislocation are likely to be a good deal more complex, multiple, discontinuous. This is why the change of mood – intellectual, social, cultural, psychological, political and economic – analysed by postmodern theorists has more far-reaching consequences for sociological analysis and research into modernity and postmodernization than does the work of Beck. In Beck’s sociology, the advent of advanced modernization is related to the changing social and technological dimensions of just one institutional sector: that of risk and its calculation. The key problem of re? exive modernization is one of living with a high degree of risk in a world where traditional safety nets (the welfare state, traditional nuclear family, etc. ) are being eroded or dismantled. But what is How to cite Ulrich Beck, Papers

Story of Maykapal Essay Example

Story of Maykapal Paper FEATURES OF ESSAY There are five parts to every essay, and each part has five parts. The basic essay: I). Introductory paragraph A). Introductory sentence, the Hook, and the Thesis sentence/statement B). First thesis point C). Second thesis point D). Third thesis point E). Concluding sentence II). Body Paragraph A). Restating/rephrasing of the first thesis point from the introductory paragraph B). First supporting sentence C). Second supporting sentence D). Third supporting sentence E). Concluding sentence III). Body Paragraph A). Restating/rephrasing of the second thesis point from the introductory paragraph B). First supporting sentence C). Second supporting sentence D). Third supporting sentence E). Concluding sentence IV). Body Paragraph A). Restating/rephrasing of the third thesis point from the introductory paragraph B). First supporting sentence C). Second supporting sentence D). Third supporting sentence E). Concluding sentence V). Concluding Paragraph The concluding paragraph is equally as important as the introduction. You must restate (rephrase) your thesis sentence and all supporting material in a brief and concise format. You must state your proof to your supporting points. And, you must conclude your essay. All of this must fit with or merge with everything you wrote previously. A). Transitional sentence that perhaps rewords the thesis statement of the Introductory paragraph. B). Conclusional sentence rewording the conclusion of the first body paragraph. C). Conclusional sentence rewording the conclusion of the second body paragraph. We will write a custom essay sample on Story of Maykapal specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Story of Maykapal specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Story of Maykapal specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer D). Conclusional sentence rewording the conclusion of the third body paragraph. E). Summation sentence to close the paper and the argument made. Sounds simultaneously simple and complex. Keep in mind that the minimum length of any essay is five paragraphs, with five sentences per paragraph; thats 25 sentences. Youll find that this limit is more and more difficult to maintain as you write more. You will find it difficult to limit yourself to such a small format.

The Reality of Freelance Writing

The Reality of Freelance Writing The Reality of Freelance Writing The Reality of Freelance Writing By Mark Nichol A recent Craigslist job posting invites readers to apply to write twenty or more 1,000-word online-marketing articles per week. The pay rate? Twenty dollars per article to start, thirty dollars each after the first ten articles, and forty or fifty dollars apiece after a couple of weeks. The compensation for this work, after the initial fifty articles are written, is more than a thousand dollars a month about fifty thousand dollars a year, a fair income for a freelance writer. But back up a bit: The writer is being asked to produce 20,000 words per week. At that rate, one could churn out a good-sized novel or nonfiction book each month if not for the fact that writers are human beings who need to eat and sleep and would like to indulge in luxuries like recreation and socialization. Assuming that a 1,000-word article can be written in around two hours, that’s a full-time workweek. The problem? Salaried writers don’t write for forty hours a week. They attend meetings and confer with colleagues, and perhaps do some editing and proofreading as well as writing. It’s unrealistic to expect someone to put in that many hours churning out content, even if one finds writing about widgets an exhilarating prospect. It’s unsustainable for a writer to do so, and disingenuous for an employer to expect that the writer can do so. What’s most disheartening about this job posting even more than the fact that it would be more reasonable for the client to hire more writers to produce fewer articles each is that it’s one of the more generous offers I’ve seen online lately. There’s no writing tip buried among these observations. There’s simply a plea to any readers who might be posting job listings such as the one I’ve described to ask themselves whether they could actually sustain this workload, whether they could live on the meager compensation usually offered for such assignments. Do they want to attract writers, or are they content with typists? (No offense intended against transcribers, of course.) If there’s any tip to be shared, it’s to my fellow freelance writers out there: Yes, projects may generally be scarce and poorly compensated, and it’s tempting to take grueling assignments such as the one described in this job listing. (I’ve done so for a while.) But never forget that unless you’re a novice, or you’re a merely competent writer, you deserve better than this and novices and competent writers will get better and deserve better and you must be diligent about finding the best offers. And, once you’re hired and have proven your value, be diligent about assertively requesting periodic boosts in pay as a reward for your increasingly valuable contributions to the success of the enterprise. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Freelance Writing category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:20 Computer Terms You Should Know26 Feel-Good Words40 Words Beginning with "Para-"

Cultivating Editor Relationships Bears Multi-Assignment Fruit

Cultivating Editor Relationships Bears Multi-Assignment Fruit Last week I sent a two-sentence query to the travel editor at the San Jose Mercury News about visiting specific spots in Southern California- would she be interested in an article? Her answer: â€Å"Sure. Sounds fun!† It can’t be that easy, right? Yes, it was- but only because I’d written many travel pieces for this editor over a number of years. Better yet, because my writing style and process clicked well with her needs, she’d actually created a loose category of articles (called â€Å"Trail Mix†) for me to conceive and write, of which the above was one. There will be many mixings of trails to come. Keeping in this vein, I once wrote a magazine piece about my girlfriend buying an old Airstream trailer sight unseen on eBay. The editor of a new Airstream magazine read it and contacted me about writing an article for his magazine. Yesterday I turned in what might be my 40th (if not more) article for the magazine. Don’t get me wrong: I’ve sent hundreds, perhaps thousands, of pitches that have died an un-replied death, and hundreds more that got me the one-sentence â€Å"not for us† reply. But occasionally, writers can connect with editors so that mutual trust, confidence, and suggested future work define the relationship. And don’t forget another component: getting paid regularly. Sure, Craft clear pitches: Be specific about an article’s scope and details. Include a suggested headline. Put in a succinct

How similar are the experiences of minority ethnic groups in the UK Essay

How similar are the experiences of minority ethnic groups in the UK labour market Give evidence for your answer - Essay Example Whites always had good percentage of people having better jobs as compared to non-whites. To be more specific, the major professional and managerial based jobs were mainly held by the whites. Non-whites found to have been struggling in the labour markets of UK and thus majority of non-whites either remained unemployed or self-employed. However, in the last decade, the dynamics of UK labour market has experienced significant improvements. These improvements have emerged as a result of increasing employment rates of minority ethnic groups especially Black Africans, Bangladeshis and Pakistanis over a period of around 30 years (Cohen and Kennedy, 2007, p.16). The major reason behind this is the improvement in educational credentials and professional skills of these minority ethnic groups. Despite having such improvements, still the majority of jobs, attainments and occupational trainings are mainly provided to white British population and the other minority ethnic groups are found to hav e been obtaining jobs quite narrowly especially at managerial and professional level. With the increasing racial and discriminating practices prevailing in UK labour market, the gap between the whites and non-whites in labour market still exists effectively. Undoubtedly, tremendous amount of growth can be experienced in terms of non-white men getting closer to their white counterparts in getting jobs. However, this situation is quite disappointing in case of non-white women getting employed as compared to white women. For Pakistani and Bangladeshi women, the scenario of getting employment among women is worse than expected such that their employment rate is even blow 30%. Even though there are more bright prospects available for the minority ethnic groups in terms of achieving better jobs than before due to their higher educational professional background, yet their living conditions are unable to portray these bright prospects. As a result, the minority ethnic groups preferred to g et self employed rather than going after the managerial positions as the future prospects for the whites are readily available for them as compared to minority ethnic groups, most of them are Chinese and Indians. The other minority group comprising Pakistanis and Bangladeshis remained stick to their original preference of self employment such that they are mainly working under specific sectors which include small retail business, fast food restaurants and taxi driving occupations. The way these minority ethnic groups are viewed and perceived among UK social classes, is the major reason behind such discrimination that occurs with the minority ethnic groups in the labour market. Having non-British origin has created immense difficulties for those minority ethnic groups, due to which they are unable to reach at the higher executive level positions even though they are well equipped in terms of their educational background (Macionos and Plummer, 2008, p.22). Ethnicity itself has become a greater hurdle for the graduates belonging to minority ethnic groups to avail employment opportunities and getting higher positions in their jobs. Their efforts are declined even though they have tried to mitigate the impact of their ethnic background by acquire high quality education and training. Similarly, in terms of receiving salaries and earnings, minority ethnic g

American Government Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 3

American Government - Essay Example The Supreme Court is the tribunal in the country for all case and controversies that may arise regarding the constitution and the laws of the state. The court promises the American people of equal justice under the law. The court performs the role of an interpreter and as the guardian of the constitution. The state’s position to get involved in matters of central decision-making, this position has been revoked by Jurists who argue that the court should not play umpire between federal and state governments, Congress does not threaten any state power; however, it helps in protecting the state. The Senate serves as an environment for the states to protect and express their interests. The American people are tired of a system, which seems ever constant with conflicts between the republicans and democrats. People say that the system is broken, and Washington does not represent the interest of the common American. These sentiments have left many citizens exasperated. They desire a system that does not force them to select between two fixed options, which do not represent their individual beliefs as citizens. The multiparty system is favored because it allows the participation of minor parties. The Electoral College has been in existence for 200 years. There are individuals who are critics, and they are opposed the Electoral College system. The critics have tried to propose reforms that will eliminate the college system. There are also other supporters who are less vocal when compared to the critics, but they offer powerful arguments in its favor.

Analysis Of Tescos Corporate Social Responsibility Management Essay

Analysis Of Tescos Corporate Social Responsibility Management Essay Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is an important societal issue that also gains momentum in the food retail industry (Tulder et al., 2007). In an approach to analyze the CSR activities, this report presents the CSR activities of Tesco, which is one of the leading retailers. Further this report analyses the market and non market environment, which explains the internal and external alignment as important factors to understand the design and the development of the companies CSR activities and motivations. The CSR business models in the retail industry are inclined towards the management of the supply chains. These models tell the firms what to do or how to do in general, to respond to the challenges and changes in the retail industry, but do not provide sophisticated analytical models to analyze the actual position of the company and delineate the trajectories to change positions. (Tulder et al., 2007) CSR Corporate Social Responsibility is considered to be the future of all organizations in general and the retail industry in specific. However the firms have to be more active on the categorization of CSR activities and on how the consistent implementation in the retail organization and in their distribution channels could be obtained. (Tulder et al., 2007) Tesco plc is worlds third largest, British international grocery and general merchandising retail chain with operations in 14 countries. It is the largest British retailer by both global sales and domestic market share, with profits exceeding  £3 billion, and the third largest global retailer based on revenue, behind Wal-Mart and Carrefour. They cater for all sections of the market, with ranges spanning from premium ranges, as well as specialist ranges such as Organic, Fairtrade and Healthy Living. They are also into Non-food ranges accounted for 21% of Group turnover in 2008 and include electrical goods, books, home-ware, sports equipment, personal finance and clothing. (Tesco, 2009) We understand that our success comes from behaving responsibly and earning the trust of our customers, suppliers and stakeholders. There are many complex issues that we have to face on a daily basis, from reducing our environmental impact to ensuring consistent standards across our markets. (Tesco, 2009). Corporate responsibility represents an entire approach to business and is therefore embodied in Tescos governance framework to ensure that the company operates in a responsible and safe way. In general corporate responsibility is embedded in the following categories:    Tesco CSR Approach Environment Community Supplier and Ethical Trading Customers, choice health People KPIs Tesco CSR Activities The above approach integrates corporate responsibility in Tescos day-to-day business activities by supporting fair trade and taking customers, staff, communities and suppliers into consideration, as well as the environment and society. Education Education is one of the key areas of Tescos activities including a partnership with I CAN, a charity that helps children with speech and language difficulties, or offering scholarships and establishing cultural community centres. A specific programme is the Computers for Schools programme aimed at schools. Tesco provides schools with computers and supports the use of new technologies in different countries (Tesco, 2007). Charity The Tesco Charity Trust was established in 1987 to support national and local communities making grants to charities within the UK (Tesco, 2007). Tesco dedicates 1% of pre-tax profits to good causes and supports charities as well as staff fundraising. In addition the companys supports the Race for Life fundraising event which focuses on cancer research and initiated the Tesco Charity of the Year (Tesco, 2007). Every year Tesco chooses a community charity close to the heart of its staff and customers which becomes the main focus for staff fundraising and receives 20% top-up of the Tesco Charity Trust. For example the charity chosen for 2005 is Age Concern, an initiative concentrating on supporting older people in the UK by providing services such as day care and fulfilling information needs for topics such as care, money and finance, health, disabilities or neighbourhood issues (Tesco, 2007). Environment In terms of environmental protection Tesco has integrated its corporate responsibility in its environmental management including topics such as emissions, resources, waste recycling and the companys products. Among others the issues covered are organic food, animal welfare, green transport and travel and vehicle efficiency. Furthermore Tesco is also concerned with energy efficiency and water consumption as well as its environmental impact in terms of its operations and customers (Tesco, 2007). Wildlife choice for example is an initiative requiring farmers to consider wildlife on their farms. They agree to improve operations and monitor their impact on farmland habitats providing habitats for wildlife such as a farm in the Midlands for example (Tesco, 2007). Tesco works closely with suppliers and farmers to protect wildlife. Tesco Market and Non-Market Environment Analysis In this report an approach to analyze the market and non market environments is done with the help of understanding and using various frame works like An integrated framework (Baron, 1995 2005: 32). Also by understanding the non market environment: The 4Is Systematic Level Organisational Level Individual Level An Analysis a case analyzed by Lets clean up fashion Issue related to living wages Payment of living wages -workers being paid below living wage levels. Tescos focus on primarily on productivity projects. We believe that sustainable improvements to wages are most often delivered through improved productivity, up skilling workers and working to ensure our purchasing practices support our suppliers ability to invest in their workforce. (Tesco, CSR Report 2009) It lists specific wage and wage-related work under the following headings: Ensuring we understand the scale and nature of the issue. Activities: Wage surveys and worker interviews in Bangladesh (Tesco, 2007). Setting clear expectations. Activities: Lobbying government in Bangladesh to improve minimum wages, MFA Forum (Tesco, 2007). Supporting suppliers to improve productivity. Activities: Lengthening lead times, producing seasonal items out of season to help suppliers plan production, rewarding ethical suppliers, expanding in-country ethical experts (Tesco, 2007). Building long-term relationships to enable investment in workers. Activities: Consolidating the supplier base, offering business support to A-list suppliers (Tesco, 2009). Tesco accept that some minimum wage levels are unacceptably low and have conducted a wage survey with a supplier in Bangladesh (lets clean up fashion, 2009). Tescos Plans on Living Wages Its main focus for wages work is to continue with the ETI wages project. This group has experienced some delays over the last year due to its focus on Bangladesh and that countrys political and industrial instability. However, it stated that, useful work has been shared, including by us, in the areas of productivity, efficiency, worker engagement, work flow, and purchasing practices. Following the summer this group will re-convene to decide on how to move forward. Building on this work, we will review further initiatives of our own specifically in Bangladesh on productivity and wage improvements. (Tesco CSR Report, 2009) In an analysis done by the Lets Clean up fashion, Tesco seem to have made little progress towards living wages. Surveys in Bangladesh, showing the training grade for workers being manipulated by suppliers for extended periods of time, informed a small piece of work to improve wages but this merely brought pay packets up to the legal minimum standard and no more. Tescos belief that productivity is the best route to living wages seems to have ousted a number of other options, such as support for freedom of association and a proper examination of pricing. Its focus on up skilling workers as a part of these improvements may be helpful for individual groups but doesnt achieve an across the board rise in wages. It is also unclear how it plans to ensure more skilled and expensive workers are not replaced by new, lower paid, unskilled workers. Furthermore, Tesco makes no mention of any work to ensure worker involvement in any of its projects, which makes us even less convinced that its productivity plans are likely to lead to any real benefit to workers. Tescos work with suppliers on purchasing practices; offering longer lead times, producing out of season, ensuring long-term supplier relationships, and offering business advice could bring about some improvement. Last year it also acknowledged that price needed to be examined, but no progress seems to have been made in this area and no mention was made of plans to move this forward. Lets hope Tescos engagement in the ETI Wages Project over the coming year will see it start to output wage projects of its own, and give serious attention to delivering the living wages expected from a retailer of this size and influence (lets cleanup fashion, 2009). Tescos Position on Relationships with Customers Tesco tries to keep its prices as low as possible than most of the other national superstores. Tesco has an online Price checker, to show its low prices to its customers, through which customers can compare Tescos prices with those of other super markets (CRR, 2006). Price, though, is not the only factor. Value for money, as Tesco describes, includes the quality of the products, the personal service of their staff and the pleasant surroundings in their stores (AR, 1995). Tesco has become big by being like Britain. As Britons became more middle-class, Tesco followed them up market (Econ,2005). Tescos Position on Suppliers The retail sector has a high increasing purchasing power, which can be used to cut prices and put pressure on the suppliers (cf. Fearne et al., 2005). Since Tesco is one of the four major global retailers, It is said that suppliers fear to complain about Tesco as they fear being struck off by the retailer (FT2005; FT2005). Tesco however mentions that it takes a partnership approach while working with suppliers, sharing their knowledge and listening to suppliers feedback, providing technical expertise, advice and insight into customer trends and making regular payment, on time (AR, 2007). Tesco monitors its relations with suppliers through the Supplier Viewpoint Survey. Their target is that 90% of UK suppliers view Tesco as being trustworthy, reliable, consistent, clear, helpful and fair (92% in 2008, 94% in 2007). In 2007 the international suppliers have started taking part in the Supplier Viewpoint Survey (88%) (AR, 2008). Tesco fully supports the legally binding Supplier Code of Pr actice. In March 2005, the Office of Fair Trading (OFT) audit found no breaches of the Supplier Code at Tesco (CRR, 2006) nor in 2006 (CRR, 2007). In 2005 rival companies and industry groups accused Tesco of slowing down the Office of Fair Tradings investigation during its early stages. The OFTs main concerns included claims that the supermarkets were slow to pay suppliers, required them to contribute to marketing costs and insisted on retrospectively changing contracts (FT, 2005). The investigation revealed that over the past five years, the amount owed to creditors by Tesco had risen by 1.5bn pounds, money it had used to help finance its growth (FT, 2005). Motivations and collaborations An attempt to analyze Tescos Motivations and its collaborations is done by using the following theories: Strategy Theory Stakeholder Theory Agency Theory Legitimacy Theory An Analysis Tesco is engaged in number of NGOs and charity organisations. Tesco was engaged with: The Soil Association on extending the organic range The Fairtrade Foundation to promote Fairtrade Fortnight and encourage more customers to choose Fairtrade Diabetes UK on providing information for customers living with diabetes The British Red Cross on responding to disasters and emergencies Marine Conservation Society and Marine Stewardship Council on sustainable seafood sourcing Greenpeace on sustainable sourcing and climate change Friends of the Earth on palm oil, prawn sourcing and GM animal feed; ActionAid and Women on Farms on labour standards in fruit farms in SouthAfrica. (CRR, 2006) Tesco is a corporate partner of Forum for the Future and work together on a broad range of sustainability issues. we held a nationwide Community Conference in partnership with the British Red Cross and the Work Foundation. This brought together voluntary groups, charities, businesses and government to explore the role of business in local communities (CRR, 2008; CRR, 2007). With regards to economic development, the 2005 Make Poverty History campaign identified increased trade as one of three key means of eliminating poverty. Tesco sources products from farms in 15 African countries (CRR, 2006). Tesco actively supports communities trough sponsoring certain activities like the collaboration with Age Concern to raise  £2 million for projects including Fight the Freeze buying blankets and heaters for the elderly; paying for volunteers to regularly call the elderly to stop them feeling isolated, and raising money to pay for meals and provide company for the elderly (CRR, 2006). Tesco aims to give at least 1% of pre-tax profits to charity. In 2007 they succeeded with 1.95% (CRR, 2008) and in 2006 as well with 1.63% of pre-tax profits to charities and good causes (CRR, 2007). Tesco has also supported communities in crisis. In 2007, 250.000 pound was donated to people affected by extreme weather conditions. Tesco is a founder member of the Ethical Trading Initiative (ETI) and expects all their suppliers to follow the ETI Base Code (CRR, 2006). The ETI Base Code includes among others freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining, no use of child labour and no excessive working hours (CRR, 2008) Tesco has with four other global retailers formed the Global Social Compliance Programme to develop a code of practice. The GSCP has agreed a draft Reference Code between the 25 leading retailers and manufacturers currently involved. Next steps involve the development of an audit checklist to ensure the Code is interpreted consistently around the world (CRR, 2008). In 2005 Tesco appointed a Code Compliance Officer to act as a contact point for suppliers in case they have complaints and dont want to discuss these with Tesco buyers (CRR, 2008). Tesco participates in multi-stakeholder groups on corporate responsibility issues like Business in The Community, The Ethical Trading Initiative, the Carbon Roundtable, GM Freeze Roundtable, Forest Stewardship Council Retailers Group, British Retail onsortium Corporate Responsibility Policy Advisory Group and the DEFRA Climate Leaders Group. The Executive Committee, Corporate Responsibility Committee and Compliance Committee are to help guide an d monitor the set policies. Conclusion From the above discussions, it can be concluded that Tesco faces some severe in-coherence in its market and non market environments. On several issues such as environment the company has identified opportunities and taken many interesting (and active) initiatives, whereas in other instances the company behaves rather re-active. This corresponds with the in-coherent nature of its internal alignment strategy. The company is having difficulties with aligning some active intents, expressed through its KPIs with a re-active strategy (Tulder et al., 2007). Major challenge for Tesco, therefore, is how to create coherence through increased coordination and sustain the transition towards a more pro-active approach. References Ethical trading initiative. Downloaded from http://www.cleanupfashion.co.uk/companies/tesco.php. as of 9th March 2010. Tesco CSR 2009 report. Downloaded from http://www.investis.com/plc/cr09/crr09.pdf as of 5th March 2010. Tulder, R. van, M. Bleijenbergh, M. Danse, R. Wiersinga and M. Torppe, (2007) CSR Business Models and change trajectories in the retail industry. Downloaded from http://www.fairtradegemeenten.nl/uploads/news/december%202009/CSR%20business%20models.pdf as of 5th March 2010. Tesco News Article 6 (2007). Downloaded from http://www.tesco.com/talkingtesco/news/?page=article6 as of 6th March 2010. Tesco regulatory news part 2 (2008). Downloaded from http://www.tescocorporate.com/plc/ir/rns/rnsitem?id=1214847199nRn2d9573XHYPERLINK http://www.tescocorporate.com/plc/ir/rns/rnsitem?id=1214847199nRn2d9573Xt=popup_rnsHYPERLINK http://www.tescocorporate.com/plc/ir/rns/rnsitem?id=1214847199nRn2d9573Xt=popup_rnst=popup_rns as of 9th march 2010. Advfn final news (2008). Downloaded from http://www.advfn.com/news_Final-Results_27119452.html as of 7th March 2010. Tesco reports (2008). Downloaded from http://www.investegate.co.uk/Article.aspx?id=200806301833069573X as of 7th march 2010. Tesco News from Interceder (2010). Downloaded from http://interceder.net/news/Tesco as of 7th March 2010. Tesco CR Strategy (2010). Downloaded from http://www.tescoplc.com/plc/corporate_responsibility_09/approach/cr_strategy/ as of 7th March 2010. Tesco news (2010). Downloaded from http://www.freebase.com/view/en/tesco as of 7th March 2010. Tesco CSR review (2005). Downloaded from http://www.tesco.com/csr/e/e4_1.html as of 7th March 2010. Tesco community promises (2009). Downloaded from http://www.tesco.com.my/html/community.aspx?ID=9HYPERLINK http://www.tesco.com.my/html/community.aspx?ID=9PID=35LID=1HYPERLINK http://www.tesco.com.my/html/community.aspx?ID=9PID=35LID=1PID=35HYPERLINK http://www.tesco.com.my/html/community.aspx?ID=9PID=35LID=1HYPERLINK http://www.tesco.com.my/html/community.aspx?ID=9PID=35LID=1LID=1 as of 7th March 2010. Tesco at a glance (2009). Downloaded from http://www.tescoplc.com/plc/corporate_responsibility_09/approach/tesco_at_a_glance/ as of 7th March 2010. Larry File, cornwall foundation case study: Gingers presentation. Downloaded from http://www.cornwallfoundation.com/ways_to_give/CSRtalk22.1.10.htm as of 7th March 2010. Tesco ethical progress (2008). Downloaded from http://www.tesco.ie/crreview08/ethical-progress5.html as of 7th March 2010. Business and human rights resource centre. Downloaded from http://www.business-humanrights.org/Search/SearchResults?SearchableText=china+footwear as of 7th March 2010. Risks and uncertainities, Tesco CSR report page2 (2009). Downloaded from http://www.tescoplc.com/annualreport09/businessreview/risks_uncertainties/2/ as of 8th March 2010. Tesco news FT (2009). Downloaded from http://www.ft.com/cms/s/10613232-a507-11db-b0ef-0000779e2340,_i_rssPage=80830b5e-3018-11da-ba9f-00000e2511c8.html as of 8th March 2010. Tesco reports. Downloaded from http://www.flex-news-food.com/pages/8283/Tesco/tesco-preliminary-results-20062007.html as of 8th March 2010.